As everyone knows, at the beginning of 2016 South Africa burst into a pronounced racial consciousness, with blacks openly proclaiming their racial solidarity and hostility towards their white compatriots. But even using a term such as “compatriots” negates the radicalism of what I would call “Bantu imperialism”, as many blacks no longer recognise the right of Afrikaners – or whites generally – to remain in the country.

Although it is not yet proclaimed officially, the logic of what one reads in the press and especially on social media, is that whites are interlopers or “land thieves” who should “go back to Europe”. The one complication is that we Afrikaners have no other fatherland and that we are only allowed “back in Europe” on short holiday visas, for which we must pay substantial sums in euros or pounds, and are also required to prove that we are wealthy tourists who are going to spend at least a hundred euros per day, otherwise Europe would not even allow us to briefly cross the Schengen borders. Syrian “refugees” are welcome in Europe, but not European refugees from South Africa “returning home”.

Thus the reality of white, Western settlement in South Africa for close to four centuries is generally lost on the average Bantu imperialist for whom the simple slogan “Africa for the Africans” solves all problems. If one examines what left-wing and antiwhite commentators in South Africa and further afield are saying right now, it may all be distilled to that one, terrible slogan: “Africa for the Africans.” And, of course, “African” is here racially defined. As Jared Taylor said in his book on America’s ethnic and racial identities, speaking about Afro-Americans:

“Blacks nourish and take pride in an intense, combative racial consciousness.”

Over the past few weeks we have had an overwhelming experience of such an “intense, combative racial consciousness” on the part of South African blacks too. On the one hand, this is partially the result of American and British influence in the country, where the tenets of American liberalism, as well as the obsessive attacks on all whites as “racists”, have come to define the national discourse.

But while few Afro-Americans have, so to speak, served an eviction order on their white compatriots, increasingly radicalised SA blacks are openly saying that whites should “give back our land” and should simply shove off or “get out”. Even the president, Jacob Zuma, who is supposed to guard the constitution, which states in its preamble,

“South Africa belongs to all who live in it, united in our diversity”,

famously said last year that “You must remember that a man called Jan van Riebeek arrived here on April 6, 1652 and that was the start of the trouble in this country.” (On social media “people of colour” are now referring to us as “1652s”, as opposed to them, the 1994s.)

In this, Zuma is simply echoing the ideology of the radical Bantu-imperialist party, Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters. Malema recently stated that “racism” will only come to an end once blacks have achieved full, hegemonic control over all aspects of South African life:

“Economic freedom means the distribution of land to end congested townships and lead agrarian reform; and nationalisation of mines and banks to fund free, quality education, sanitation and healthcare, to name a few. This will restore the dignity to black people; any project that does not focus on this will only result in cosmetic changes.”

Mugabeism is the big new idea in South Africa, with blacks all over Twitter and Facebook calling for “cleansing South Africa of all whites… as Hitler did to the Jews”, to quote Velaphi Khumalo, a government employee who will now apparently be rapped over the knuckles, mainly because he had something good to say about Hitler.

A general myth is being shouted from the rooftops by both white-leftist journalists/academics and imperialistic Bantu: “The whites stole our land.” The radical black nationalist and self-proclaimed revolutionary Andile Mngxitama, never says anything without mentioning in every second sentence that “whites stole our land”.

However, nothing could be further from the truth. Every square inch or centimetre of land that whites own today was either empty and settled in previous centuries, or bought with hard cash. When Britain invaded South Africa in 1899 and applied the scorched-earth policy, and killed tens of thousands of our children in concentration camps, it also dealt a huge blow to white and especially Afrikaner land ownership. After the war, people were so impoverished that they had to sell out to imperialist land speculators. These British speculators were not interested in the productive use of the land, but only in turning a profit, as well as being slumlords by allowing tribal blacks to settle on their land in vast numbers for small amounts of rent. In this way, a lot of our land was lost to black settlement.

It may be that British imperialism meant something good elsewhere in the world; in South Africa it has always been a destructive, dehumanising, antiwhite, genocidal policy. In fact, British imperialism paved the way for Bantu imperialism. The latter is merely a simulacrum or imitation – less than pale – of the former. Imperialism leads to globalism, which is to the detriment of nations, peoples and cultures.

Until 1994 and De Klerk’s chaotic surrender of state power to a bunch of essentially foreign and foreign-funded terrorists, led by the South African Communist Party and its ANC vassal, South Africa was widely recognised as a Western country. The Balfour Declaration recognised our independence and declared the UK and its dominions to be:

… autonomous Communities within the British Empire, equal in status, in no way subordinate one to another in any aspect of their domestic or external affairs, though united by a common allegiance to the Crown, and freely associated as members of the British Commonwealth of Nations. …

One of our most famous and respected Afrikaner leaders, after whom the main Afrikaans literary prize is named to this day, J.B.M. Hertzog, attended the imperial conference of 1926 where the Balfour Declaration was handed down (photo above). Under his leadership, South Africa slowly clawed back the sovereignty that we had lost during the Anglo-Boer War. From the 1930s we were allowed to have our own embassies again.

In the nineteenth century, most if not all countries of Continental Europe recognised the two independent Boer republics and gave us at least moral support during the Anglo-Boer War. So our status as a Western state has long been recognised, prior to and especially after Union in 1910.

During both World Wars, we reluctantly fought on the Allied side, against Germany, a country with which we have ties of blood and kinship, speaking a language that is close to both Dutch and Low German, which used to be the vernacular of most of northern Germany. For centuries, we have been part of European and Western affairs, including wars.

To the Bantu imperialists, and leftists or Marxists generally, South Africa is “just another sub-Saharan African country”. The facts and the nuances of our history, as well as our legal and human rights, count for nothing where they are concerned. Might is right, and demography is destiny. Having lost the war of the cradle, and seeing our lands overrun with masses of local and foreign-born blacks, we are supposed to disappear into the night of history.

The best we can look forward to is assimilation, becoming another “lost white tribe”, to echo the title of a book by Riccardo Ortizio. From a proud, Western republic on a par with Canada or Australia, we have now slid into political oblivion, to be dominated by the likes of Jacob Zuma and his Zulus who have swarmed out of their tribal reserve to colonise the economic heartland of the country in the Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Vereeniging complex, insultingly renamed the “Gauteng Province”.

Contrary to popular belief, it is not the black man of South Africa, but the Afrikaner who has been the victim of racial oppression, colonialism and genocide. For the past two hundred years our language, culture and identity have been suppressed and destroyed, first by British imperialism and now by Bantu imperialism.

The former French Socialist president, François Mitterand, once uttered the following groundless cliché: “Le nationalisme, c’est la guerre.” Nationalism is war. Yet, the converse is mostly true: Imperialism is war. The desire for conquest, to rape and despoil, is what leads to war, not the mild forms of cultural nationalism that we associate with most European states and with the consecutive Afrikaner republics of South Africa. We have never declared war against another African country, never occupied any other state. The notion that we should “drive all blacks into the sea” or that we should “nuke Soweto” with one of our nuclear bombs designed and manufactured at Pelindaba, never crossed our minds.

Yet today the choice is stark: we are engaged in a struggle for survival. The Bantu imperialist, aided and abetted by the South African communist, has confounded De Klerk’s haphazard “surrender without defeat” as historian Hermann Giliomee called it, with his “glorious revolutionary victory”. It was to be but the first step in a cultural, civilisational and racial revolution that will “cleanse us from South Africa”, as the government theorist from the Gaunteng department of sports, arts and culture put it so eloquently.

This quest for millennarian, Bolshevik-style revolutionary change, may be traced back to the so-called ultra-leftism of the South African Communist Party in the 1930s, of which one communist leader, M.M. Kotane remarked:

“Our Party members (especially the whites) are ideologically not South Africans, they are foreigners who know nothing about and are not interested in the country in which they are living at present.” (Kolasa, T.S. The South African Communist Party: Adapting to Thrive in a Post-Communist Age, p. 121.)

During the Anglo-Boer War, the British imperialists with their vast army mustered against our citizens’ militia conquered Bloemfontein and Pretoria within six months, yet that was only the start of the real war.

Once again we find ourselves confronted with an implacable, radical, genocidal, imperialistic enemy that wil balk at nothing to annihilate us. In a sense, South Africa has again been occupied by a foreign power. We have lost the first series of battles, especially on the propaganda front. But we have not lost the war, at least not yet. We are still settled on our land, in our homes, in our businesses and factories, so coveted by the new imperialists. We still speak Afrikaans, we have still have schools, churches and universities, despite constant threats to cleanse us from those institutions.

The discussion about race, equality, common citizenship and history in South Africa is futile as our viewpoints are irreconcilable. It represents “paradigm incommensurability” in a real sense; we have no shared set of meanings. To the Bantu imperialist, everything is reducible to “Africa for the Africans”; the latter being a synonym for “people of the black race” as it is normally used in South Africa, including in legislation.

We have no choice but to oppose to that slogan, another one: that South Africa belongs to its founders, the indigenous white nation, the Afrikaners. There, I have thrown down the gauntlet. Let the screamers scream, and the sundry “antiracists” foam at the mouth.

The only real political discussion in South Africa and even Southern Africa – because the quasi-independent British “homelands” of Botswana, Swaziland and Lesotho, as well as Namibia, are also implicated in this – is what land belongs to whom. Every citizen must be able to prove his ancestry and produce not only his birth certificate but that of his father, his grandfather and his great-grandfather. Let everyone claiming a piece of land or a farm show us his title deed, when that property was acquired by him or his relative, and at what price and on what date. Who founded which town at what date, and is the architecture Western or is it “African”, Zulu, Xhosa, Tswana or whatever? If need be, it may be settled by DNA tests too.

In the greatest part of South Africa, we are the “indigenous people”, referred to in the United Nations Declaration
on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Among many other interesting elements, articles 10 and 11 of that Declaration are very relevant to the status of Afrikaners as an indigenous people of South Africa:

10. Indigenous peoples shall not be forcibly removed from their lands or territories. No relocation shall take place without the free, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned and after agreement on just and fair compensation and, where possible, with the option of return.

11. Indigenous peoples have the right to practise and revitalize their cultural traditions and customs. This includes the right to maintain, protect and develop the past, present and future manifestations of their cultures, such as archaeological and historical sites, artefacts, designs, ceremonies, technologies and visual and performing arts and literature.

Ironically, and perhaps this realisation is beyond the logical capacity of our present-day imperialists, the Bantu imperialists have opted for drawing the line, for seeing us as an “other”, as “foreigners” and interlopers.

Yet who are the real immigrants and the real settlers? Those who have crossed our borders without passports or who have fled their own governments and reserves – in the Canadian sense, that liberal Commonwealth country – to come and conquer us by stealth, as the “rapefugees” are currently conquering Germany and other EU countries?

Lenin thought that imperialism was “the highest stage of capitalism”. In South Africa, barbarism is the highest stage of imperialism, when savage violence, corruption, chaos and hatred take over.

Afrikaner, white man, stand your ground!